Parallel councils and duplicate management teams: The crisis in Thabazimbi Local Municipality

The Thabazimbi Local Municipality in Limpopo has been dysfunctional since 2021, paralysed by parallel municipal councils and management teams led by rival African National Congress (ANC) and Democratic Alliance (DA) coalitions.

Political infighting led to duplicated administrative structures, financial mismanagement, and a collapse in service delivery, with workers going unpaid and significant debts to utilities. In October 2024, the Limpopo Provincial Government dissolved the council and placed the municipality under administration. This article examines the causes and consequences of the parallel structures, the provincial intervention, and its implications for local governance. Drawing on recent reports, it critiques the intervention, and highlights lessons for municipal stability in South Africa.

Background: The genesis of parallel structures

Political instability in municipalities often undermines their developmental role. Thabazimbi Local Municipality, in the mineral-rich Waterberg District of Limpopo Province, is an example of this. The municipality’s governance crisis emerged after the 2021 local government elections, which resulted in a council with no outright majority. The ANC secured 11 seats, the DA 4, and smaller parties, including the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), Freedom Front Plus (FF+), and Thabazimbi Residents Association (TRA), collectively held the remainder. A DA-led coalition initially formed the government but was ousted by an ANC-led coalition through a disputed no-confidence motion. Rather than resolving the dispute, both coalitions established parallel administrative structures, each claiming legitimacy.

The two parallel councils—one led by the ANC and another by a DA-led coalition—each appointed their own Mayor, Speaker, Chief Financial Officer (CFO), and Municipal Manager, operating simultaneously. This anomaly precipitated a governance and financial crisis, culminating in the Limpopo Provincial Government’s intervention. The municipality was in crisis, as evidenced by –

accrued debts of over R300 million to Eskom and R180 million to Magalies Water;
workers unpaid for over three months;
sewerage spills, uncollected waste, and disrupted water and electricity services;
over R15 million spent on court cases contesting no-confidence motions and council legitimacy;
high managerial turnover, with 13 municipal managers in 12 years; and
allegations of destabilisation by ANC figures, including former Mayor of Waterberg District Municipality, Shimane Morris Mataboge.

The Limpopo Provincial Government’s intervention

In August 2024, Premier Phophi Ramathuba announced the Executive Council’s intention to invoke section 139(1)(c) of the Constitution to dissolve the Thabazimbi council, citing a complete breakdown in services, governance, and failure to adhere to legislative requirements. The council was given seven days to respond, but failed to provide compelling reasons against dissolution.

On 3 October 2024, the National Council of Provinces (NCOP) unanimously approved the dissolution, and the municipality was placed under administration. A team of administrators, led by local governance expert Mavi Paul Maseko, was appointed to restore stability, focusing on governance, finances, and service delivery. Premier Ramathuba engaged stakeholders, including labour unions, business forums, and community leaders, to ensure transparency and support for the intervention. By-elections were scheduled for December 2024.

Rationale and critiques of the intervention

The intervention was justified by the municipality’s inability to fulfil its constitutional obligations under section 152, particularly in approving budgets and delivering services. The parallel councils rendered critical committees, such as the Municipal Public Accounts Committee (MPAC) non-functional, posing governance risks. The financial crisis, marked by unpaid workers and utility debts, necessitated urgent action to protect the needs and interests of residents.

The intervention immediately yielded outcomes. Administrators began addressing unpaid salaries, negotiating with creditors, and restoring basic services. Community members and stakeholders expressed optimism about the intervention’s potential to reset governance. A March 2025 study by the University of Johannesburg’s transformative Local Government Inclusive Growth Index revealed that the municipality is the best performing municipal region in the country. Nonetheless, the intervention and subsequent by-elections occurred only a few months ago (August–December 2024). As at April 2025, there is insufficient data to evaluate long-term results, such as tangible improvements in service delivery or financial management.

The December 2024 by-elections again resulted in a hung council. The ANC emerged as the leading party but failed to secure a majority. However, a fresh council was formed. The uncontested election of ANC councillors as office-bearers (mayor, speaker, and chief whip) suggests a degree of political consolidation, potentially reducing the infighting that previously paralysed the municipality. Tumisang Pilane (ANC) was elected Mayor, Dingaan Sebata as Speaker and Lettah Ndiweni as Chief Whip, signalling a move toward unified leadership. However, concerns about coalition instability remain and the situation was described as “back to square one” by the Independent Electoral Commission’s Nkaro Mateta.

The intervention faced criticism on a number of fronts. First, the DA former Mayor Tokkie Swanepoel accused the provincial government of not formally communicating the intervention to the council as she learnt of the decision through the media. This raised questions about transparency and due process. Secondly, the DA and FF+ alleged that the ANC sought to seize control of municipality’s mineral-rich economy, labelling the intervention a “mafia-style” power grab. Finally, the DA cited a 2020 Supreme Court of Appeal ruling that overturned a similar intervention in Tshwane, warning that the Limpopo government’s actions could be legally challenged if deemed unprocedural.

The municipality’s financial liabilities and infrastructure deficits remain significant hurdles. The ANC’s rejection of the allocation of proportional representation (PR) seats after the by-election sparked tensions, potentially undermining coalition negotiations. Legally, municipal by-election does not affect PR councillors as per section 25(7) of the Local Government: Municipal Structures Act 117 of 1998. However, in the context of Thabazimbi, the dissolution of the municipal council rendered all ward and PR seats vacant. With one seat lesser than the 2021 local government elections, the ANC won 10 of the 12 ward seats but received no PR seats, despite its strong vote share of 47% in the 2021 election. The absence of formal objections by the deadline (6 December 2024) was accompanied by the ANC’s eventual acceptance of the results. In addition, the DA and FF+ also threatened legal action against the intervention, arguing it was politically motivated.

Implications for municipal governance

The Thabazimbi case underscores the fragility of coalition governance in South Africa’s hung councils. The absence of clear coalition agreements and the politicisation of administrative roles fuelled the crisis. The intervention highlights the utility of section 139 of the Constitution to address municipal dysfunction but also highlights its limitations, as it does not resolve underlying political rivalries. The appointment of experienced administrators is a positive step, but their 90-day mandate (until the by-election) may be insufficient to address deep-rooted issues such as debt and infrastructure decay.

The case also raises questions about accountability. Allegations against figures like Mataboge suggest internal ANC factionalism contributed to the instability. However, the party’s strong showing in the subsequent by-elections indicates limited electoral consequences. Community and business support for the intervention reflects a demand for a-political governance, but sustained engagement is needed to rebuild trust.

Conclusion

The tale of Thabazimbi’s parallel councils illustrates how political infighting cripples local governance. The Limpopo Provincial Government’s intervention was necessary to restore functionality, but its success hinges on transparent administration, stakeholder collaboration, and addressing structural governance challenges. As the municipality enters a new era under a coalition, led by Mayor Tumisang Pilane, the municipality must prioritise service delivery and financial recovery to avoid repeating past mistakes. This case offers valuable lessons for other municipalities grappling with coalition instability, emphasising the need for robust legal frameworks and co-operative governance.

The intervention in Thabazimbi has shown some promise through new leadership and a positive economic ranking, but there is no conclusive evidence of significant improvements in governance or service delivery. For a definitive assessment, more time, and more data on service delivery metrics, financial stability, and political cooperation are needed. Residents’ frustration with past governance, as voiced during the by-elections, underscores the urgent need for tangible progress and durable solutions.

By Dr Paul Mudau is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Public, Constitutional and International Law at the University of South Africa.